Many learn about ancestors, U.Due south. Blackness history from family

A photo of a Black man in a dark blue suit and blue and white checkered button up underneath looking at reflection of himself on a building. (Photo credit: Getty Images)
(Getty Images)

Pew Inquiry Center conducted this analysis to empathise the rich diversity of Black people in the United States and their views of Black identity. This in-depth, robust survey explores differences among Black Americans in views of identity such as between U.S.-built-in Black people and Black immigrants; Blackness people living in unlike regions of the country; and betwixt Black people of unlike ethnicities, political political party affiliations, ages and income levels. The analysis is the latest in the Center'due south series of in-depth surveys of public opinion among Black Americans (read the get-go, "Organized religion Amongst Black Americans").

The online survey of 3,912 Black U.Southward. adults was conducted Oct. 4-17, 2021. The survey includes ane,025 Black adults on Pew Research Center's American Trends Console (ATP) and 2,887 Black adults on Ipsos' KnowledgePanel. Respondents on both panels are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. Blackness adults have a chance of selection. This gives united states confidence that any sample tin can correspond the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling). Here are the questions used for the survey of Black adults, forth with its responses and methodology.

The terms "Blackness Americans", "Black people" and "Black adults" are used interchangeably throughout this report to refer to U.S. adults who self-place as Black, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

Throughout this report, "Black, non-Hispanic" respondents are those who identify as single-race Blackness and say they have no Hispanic groundwork. "Black Hispanic" respondents are those who identify every bit Blackness and say they have Hispanic background. We use the terms "Blackness Hispanic" and "Hispanic Blackness" interchangeably. "Multiracial" respondents are those who indicate two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Black) and say they are not Hispanic.

Respondents were asked a question about how important beingness Black was to how they think nigh themselves. In this report, we use the terms "being Blackness" and "Blackness" interchangeably when referencing responses to this question.

In this study, "immigrant" refers to people who were non U.S. citizens at nascence – in other words, those born outside the U.South., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.Due south. citizens. Nosotros utilize the terms "immigrant" and "foreign-built-in" interchangeably.

Throughout this report, "Democrat and Democratic leaners" refers to respondents who say in they place politically with the Democratic Party or are independent only lean toward the Democratic Party. "Republican and Republican leaners" refers to respondents who identify politically with the Republican Political party or are independent but lean toward the Republican Party.

To create the upper-, middle- and lower-income tiers, respondents' 2020 family incomes were adjusted for differences in purchasing ability by geographic region and household size. Respondents were then placed into income tiers: "Middle income" is defined equally 2-thirds to double the median almanac income for the unabridged survey sample. "Lower income" falls below that range, and "upper income" lies in a higher place it. For more data about how the income tiers were created, read the methodology.

No matter where they are from, who they are, their economic circumstances or educational backgrounds, significant majorities of Black Americans say beingness Black is extremely or very important to how they recollect almost themselves, with about iii-quarters (76%) overall saying so.

Pie chart showing most Black adults say being Black is very important to how they see themselves

A significant share of Black Americans also say that when something happens to Black people in their local communities, across the nation or around the world, it affects what happens in their own lives, highlighting a sense of connection. Black Americans say this fifty-fifty as they accept diverse experiences and come from an array of backgrounds.

Even so, Black adults who say being Black is important to their sense of self are more likely than other Black adults to feel connected to other groups of Black people. They are also more probable to feel that what happens to Black people inside and outside the United States affects what happens in their own lives. These findings sally from an all-encompassing new survey of Blackness U.South. adults conducted by Pew Inquiry Center.

A majority of not-Hispanic Black Americans (78%) say being Black is very or extremely important to how they think most themselves. This racial grouping is the largest among Blackness adults, accounting for 87% of the adult population, co-ordinate to 2019 Demography Bureau estimates. But amongst other Black Americans, roughly vi-in-ten multiracial (57%) and Hispanic (58%) Black adults say this.

Black Americans also differ in key ways in their views most the importance of being Black to personal identity. While majorities of all age groups of Blackness people say being Black shapes how they think about themselves, younger Black Americans are less likely to say this – Black adults ages l and older are more likely than Blackness adults ages 18 to 29 to say that being Black is very or extremely important to how they think of themselves. Specifically, 76% of Black adults ages 30 to 49, 80% of those 50 to 64 and 83% of those 65 and older hold this view, while but 63% of those under 30 do.

Chart showing non-Hispanic Black adults most likely to say being Black is extremely or very important to how they see themselves

Black adults who identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party are more than likely than those who place with or lean toward the Republican Party to say existence Black is important to how they run into themselves – 86% vs. 58%. And Black women (80%) are more than probable than Blackness men (72%) to say existence Black is of import to how they encounter themselves.

Nevertheless, some subgroups of Black Americans are nigh every bit likely as others to say that being Blackness is very or extremely important to how they remember about themselves. For example, U.S.-born and immigrant Black adults are almost equally likely to say being Blackness is important to how they see their identity. Withal, not all Black Americans feel the same about the importance of being Black to their identity – 14% say information technology is just somewhat important to how they meet themselves while 9% say it has little or no impact on their personal identity, reflecting the diversity of views near identity amongst Black Americans.

Bar chart showing that about half of Black adults say their fates are strongly linked with other Black people in the U.S.

Beyond the personal importance of Black – that is, the importance of beingness Black to personal identity – many Blackness Americans feel connected to each other. Almost five-in-ten (52%) say everything or most things that happen to Black people in the Us affect what happens in their ain lives, with another 30% saying some things that happen nationally to Black people take a personal impact. And 43% say all or about things that happen to Blackness people in their local customs affect what happens in their ain lives, while another 35% say only some things in their lives are affected by these events. About four-in-ten Black adults in the U.S. (41%) say they feel their fates are strongly linked to Black people around the earth, with 36% indicating that some things that happen to Black people around the world affect what happens in their own lives.

The survey likewise asked respondents how much they take in mutual with dissimilar groups of Black Americans. Some 17% of Blackness adults say they have everything or nigh things in common with Black people who are immigrants. But this sense of commonality differs sharply by birth: 14% of U.S.-born Black adults say they take everything or nigh things in common with Black immigrants, while 43% of Black immigrants say the same. Conversely, only nearly one-in-four Black immigrants (26%) say they have everything or most things in common with U.S.-built-in Black people, a share that rises to 56% amidst U.S.-born Black people themselves.

About one-third of Blackness Americans (34%) say they have everything or most things in mutual with Black people who are poor, though smaller shares say the same about Black people who are wealthy (12%). Relatively few Black Americans (fourteen%) say they have everything or most things in common with Black people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or queer (LGBTQ). However, a larger share of Blackness Americans (25%) say they have at least some things in common with Blackness people who identify as LGBTQ. All these findings highlight the diversity of the U.Due south. Black population and how much Black people feel connected to each other.

These are amongst the fundamental findings from a contempo Pew Inquiry Center survey of iii,912 Black Americans conducted online Oct. 4-17, 2021. This report is the latest in a serial of Pew Research Center studies focused on describing the rich diversity of Black people in the The states.

The nation's Black population stood at 47 million in 2020, making upwardly 14% of the U.S. population – up from 13% in 2000. While the vast majority of Black Americans say their racial background is Black lonely (88% in 2020), growing numbers are also multiracial or Hispanic. Most were built-in in the U.S. and trace their roots back several generations in the country, but a growing share are immigrants (12%) or the U.S.-born children of immigrant parents (9%). Geographically, while 56% of Black Americans live in the nation'southward South, the national Blackness population has also dispersed widely beyond the country.

It is this diversity – among U.S.-born Black people and Black immigrants; between Black people who live in dissimilar regions; and beyond different ethnicities, party affiliations, ages and income levels – that this report explores. The survey also provides a robust opportunity to examine the importance of race to Black Americans' sense of self and their connections to other Black people.

The importance of being Blackness for connections with other Black people

Bar chart showing Black Americans who say being Black is important to them are more likely to feel connected to other Black people

The importance of existence Black to personal identity is a significant factor in how connected Black Americans feel toward each other. Those who say that being Black is a very or extremely of import part of their personal identity are more likely than those for whom Blackness is relatively less important to express a sense of common fate with Black people in their local communities (fifty% vs. 17%), in the United States overall (62% vs. 21%), and even around the world (48% vs. xviii%).

They are also more likely to say that they take everything or most things in mutual with Black people who are poor (37% vs. 23%) and Black immigrants (nineteen% vs. ix%). Still, fewer than half of Black Americans, no matter how important Blackness is to their personal identity, say they have everything or almost things in common with Black people who are poor, immigrants or LGBTQ.

The importance of Black for knowing family history and U.S. Blackness history

The new survey too explores Blackness Americans' knowledge about their family histories and the history of Black people in the United States, with the importance of Black linked to greater knowledge.

Bar chart showing Black adults who say being Black is important to them are more likely to learn about their ancestors from relatives

About six-in-10 Black adults (57%) say their ancestors were enslaved either in the U.South. or another country, with nigh all who say so (52% of the Black adults surveyed) saying it was in the U.S., either in whole or in part. Black adults who say that existence Blackness is a very or extremely of import part of how they encounter themselves (61%) are more probable than those for whom being Black is less important (45%) to say that their ancestors were enslaved. In fact, Black adults for whom Blackness is very or extremely of import (31%) are less likely than their counterparts (42%) to say that they are not sure if their ancestors were enslaved at all.

When information technology comes to learning more about their family histories, Black adults for whom Blackness is very or extremely important (81%) are more likely than those for whom Blackness is less important (59%) to take spoken to their relatives. They are almost every bit probable to have researched their family's history online (36% and 30%, respectively) and to have used a mail service-in Dna service such as AncestryDNA or 23andMe (15% and 16%) to learn more than well-nigh their ancestry.

The importance of Black also figures prominently into how informed Blackness Americans feel about U.S. Black history. Blackness adults who say Black is a significant part of their personal identity are more than probable than those for whom Blackness is less important to say that they feel very or extremely informed about U.Southward. Black history (57% vs. 29%). Overall, nigh one-half of Black Americans say they feel very or extremely informed about the history of Black people in the Usa.

Among Blackness adults who feel at least a little informed about U.South. Black history, the sources of their knowledge likewise differ past the importance of Black to personal identity. Nearly half of Black adults for whom Blackness is very or extremely important (48%) say they learned nigh Black history from their families and friends, making them more than likely to say so than Blackness adults for whom Blackness is less of import (30%). Similarly, those who say being Black is important to their identity are more probable than those who did not say this to accept learned near Blackness history from nearly every source they were asked about, be information technology media (33% vs. 22%), the internet (30% vs. xviii%) or college, if they attended (26% vs. 14%). The only source for which both groups were well-nigh every bit likely to say they learned nearly Blackness history was their Grand-12 schools (24% and 21%, respectively).

Overall, among Black Americans who feel at least a trivial informed most U.South. Black history, 43% say they learned about it from their relatives and friends, thirty% say they learned about information technology from the media, 27% from the internet, and 24% from college (if they attended) and 23% from K-12 school.

Younger Black people are less probable to speak to relatives about ancestors

Black adults nether 30 years old differ significantly from older Blackness adults in their views on the importance of Blackness to their personal identity. However, Blackness adults too differ by age in how they pursue knowledge of family history, how informed they experience about U.S. Black history, and their sense of connectedness to other Black people.

Chart showing younger Black adults less likely than their elders to feel informed about U.S. Black history

Blackness adults under 30 (50%) are less probable than those 65 and older (64%) to say their ancestors were enslaved. In fact, forty% of Black adults under 30 say that they are not certain whether their ancestors were enslaved. Blackness adults in the youngest age group (59%) are less probable than the oldest (87%) to have spoken to their relatives about family unit history or to have used a mail-in DNA service to learn well-nigh their ancestors (xi% vs. 21%). They are only slightly less likely to have conducted research on their families online (26% vs. 39%).

Black adults under thirty take the lowest share who say they feel very or extremely informed about the history of Blackness people in the The states (40%), compared with threescore% of Blackness adults 65 and older and about half each of Black adults 50 to 64 (53%) and 30 to 49 (51%). In fact, Black adults under thirty are more likely than those 50 and older to say they feel a little or not at all informed about Black history. While Black adults are more often than not most probable to cite family and friends equally their source for learning most Black history, the share nether 30 (38%) who besides cite the net every bit a source of data is higher than the shares ages 50 to 64 (22%) and 65 and older (xiv%) who say this.

These historic period differences persist in the sense of connectedness that Blackness Americans have with other Black people. Black adults under xxx are less likely than those 65 and older to say that everything or about things that happen to Black people in the United States will touch on their own lives. This youngest group is too less probable than the oldest to accept this sense of mutual fate with Black people in their local customs. One exception to this pattern occurs when Black adults were asked how much they had in common with Black people who identify equally LGBTQ. Black adults under thirty (21%) were considerably more than likely than those 65 and older (10%) to say they take everything or about things in common with Black people who identify every bit LGBTQ.

Black Americans differ past party on measures of identity and connection

Black Democrats and Republicans differ on how important Blackness is to their personal identities. All the same, in that location are also partisan gaps when it comes to their connectedness to other Black people.one

Bar chart showing Black Democrats more likely than Republicans to say what happens to other Black people in the U.S. will affect their own lives

Black Democrats and those who lean to the Democratic Political party are more probable than Black Republicans and Republican leaners to say that everything or virtually things that happen to Black people in the Us (57% vs. 39%) and their local communities (46% vs. 30%) bear upon what happens in their ain lives. However, Black Republicans (24%) are more likely than Blackness Democrats (fourteen%) to say that they accept everything or most things in mutual with Black people who are LGBTQ. They are also more likely than Black Democrats to say they take everything or most things in common with Black people who are wealthy (25% vs. eleven%).

When information technology comes to knowledge of family and racial histories, Blackness Democrats and Republicans exercise not differ. Democrats (59%) are but as likely as Republicans (54%) to know that their ancestors were enslaved. Nearly 80% of Black adults from both partisan coalitions say they have spoken to their relatives nearly their family history. Like shares have also researched their family histories online and used post-in Deoxyribonucleic acid services.

Black Democrats are besides non significantly more than likely than Blackness Republicans to say they feel very or extremely informed about U.S. Blackness history (53% vs. 45%). And amid those who feel at least a little informed virtually U.S. Black history, Democrats and Republicans are virtually equally probable to say they learned information technology from family and friends (45% vs. 38%).

Place is a key part of Blackness Americans' personal identities

The bulk of Black adults who live in the Us were built-in there, simply an increasing portion of the population is comprised of immigrants. Of those immigrants, nearly xc% were born in the Caribbean or Africa. Regardless of their region of birth, 58% of Black adults say the country they were built-in in is very or extremely important to how they remember about themselves. A smaller share say the same about the places where they grew up (46%).

Bar chart showing half of Black adults say where they currently live is an important part of their identity

Blackness adults also experience strongly nigh their current communities. About half of Black adults (52%) say that where they currently live is very or extremely of import to how they recollect about themselves. And when it comes to the quality of their neighborhoods, 76% of Blackness adults charge per unit them as at least skilful places to live, including 41% who say the quality of their community is very good or excellent.

All the same, Black adults say there are concerning issues in the communities they alive in. When asked in an open up-ended question to listing the upshot that was most important in their neighborhoods, nearly one-in-five Black adults listed bug related to violence or crime (17%). Smaller shares listed other points of business concern such as economic issues similar poverty and homelessness (eleven%), housing (7%), COVID-19 and public health (6%), or infrastructure problems such as the availability of public transportation and the conditions of roads (v%).

While nearly one-in-5 Black Americans (17%) say that individual people similar themselves should exist responsible for solving these bug, they are almost likely to say that local community leaders should address these bug (48%). Smaller shares say the U.South. Congress (12%), the U.Due south. president (viii%) or civil rights organizations (ii%) acquit responsibility.